Tuesday, March 01, 2011

The West and Islam

Transcending The Present Crisis

Dr. Ahmad Kamal Aboul Magd*
Issue 182 ¡ October 2010
Courtesy Of "El Syassa"


Any attempt to analyze the relationship between 'Islam' and the 'West' immediately raises several methodological issues. How do we define Islam? Do we mean Islam as a faith, a body of jurisprudence, a value system which underpins Islamic Culture? Or do we mean 'Muslims': individuals, communities and nations, who adhere to the Islamic faith, and adopt a particular understanding of that faith which differs from place to place, and from time to time?

The same methodological problem applies to defining the 'West'. The term is usually used in reference to Europe and the US, and sometimes includes Latin America as well. Since Christianity is the dominant religion in these areas, the discussion often becomes centered on the comparison between Islam, with its various components, and Christianity.

Defining the relationship between the two “worlds” is also problematic. This is a relationship that has extended over 14 centuries, taking various twists and turns as its historical context has also changed. The increasingly rapid cultural, political and economic changes we are experiencing in today’s world; the major revolutions in technology and communications, have also had their impact on the relationship between Islam and the West. On the one hand, direct encounters between different and distant cultures are now possible, with no intermediaries involved. On the other hand, international competitions over hegemony and control have intensified, and this has had adverse consequences for weaker parties, who may appear to threaten, the interests of these competing powers.

One of the most outstanding studies of the relationship between the West and Islam was presented by Professor John Esposito, of Georgetown University in his book 'The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality?” The book traces the encounter between Islam and the West to its earliest roots, when the successful political, cultural, as well as religious expansion of Islam, posed a challenge to Christianity, which also perceived itself as having a global mission. Confrontation was therefore bound to dominate this relationship instead of cooperation, despite the common roots and shared values between the Jewish, Christian and Muslim faiths. All sense of this shared heritage was completely obliterated by both historical competitions and modern conflicts. The distorted image of Islam, the stereotypes and misconceptions which historically prevailed in the West, eventually evolved into the interpretation which today equates Islam with terrorism and fanaticism.

The recent uproar caused by the plans of an American pastor in Florida to commemorate the ninth anniversary of the September 11 attacks on the US by burning copies of the Koran (plans which were eventually abandoned) is symbolic of the unprecedented depth to which the relationship between the 'World of Islam' and the 'World of the West” has sunk. This deterioration goes beyond all reason, is expressed in aggressive behavior alien to the very essence of Western civilization, and is based on a complete misunderstanding of the true nature of Islam. Reasonable people every where are called upon to make a concerted effort to overcome this situation, and reassert the principles of cooperation and mutual understanding, based on points of common agreement among all religious faith and humanitarian philosophies. All must stand fast before the growing tendency to exclude the 'other' and vilify him, which if unchecked, will have serious consequences for the world as a whole.

There have in fact been various attempts to reach this common understanding. I have myself been party to several endeavors during the last decade, including for example, the activities of the Council on Interaction. The Council gathered representatives of all faiths: Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism, in Doha, Qatar, to discuss the implication of the rising tide of religious favor, and its impact on international relations and human rights. A further meeting was later held in Germany, in which participants presented the product of their research. It was encouraging to perceive that all the papers were characterised by their objective approach, and their emphasis on the points of agreement common to all the religions and philosophical creeds under discussion. They also reflected an understanding of common dangers faced by all. The papers were later collected and published in a volume titled 'Crossing the Divide'.

Historical events are by nature complex, multifaceted and must be understood in reference to the historical context in which they took place. Understanding is often made more difficult by deliberate attempts to obscure and misconstrue certain events. Attempts to take more 'objective' stances while studying the relationship between Islam and the west have no doubt been undermined by the recent images of clashes between Muslims of various intellectual persuasions and backgrounds on one hand, and those perceived to belong to 'Western civilization', on the other.

It may be useful here to compare how two different events in the history of Islamic-Western relations have been approached. The first, and older, example is that of the Crusades, the advent of Christian European armies to Muslim lands under the pretext of defending and spreading the Christian faith. If a large number of Christian historians had not later stepped up to explain the colonial nature of these campaigns, that they were not a genuine crusade to spread Christian faith, this false interpretation might have been accepted to this day.

The second, and more recent, example is how quickly a political and popular consensus was reached, following the attacks of September 11 on the United States, that a certain group was responsible, and that furthermore, this terrorist act reflected the true nature of all Muslim movements, organizations and nations. Although ambiguity still surrounds various aspects of these events, the panic inspired by that fateful day has had seriously negative consequences and continue to plague Islamic-Western relations to this day. In the absence of any attempt at objectivity, many in the West perceive each and every Muslim as a dangerous terrorist, who must be hunted down, excluded at held at bay. This is the most severe crisis in the history of relations between Western countries and Muslim nations and states – both on the level of official and popular public relations.

Looking Towards The Future
While there is, in fact, no single political or cultural Islamic model, Tunisia and Morocco are quite different to Afghanistan and Pakistan; nor are US and EU positions identical, nevertheless, it is still possible to identify a number of factors that will have an important impact on Islamic-Western relations as a whole. Some of these factors are related to trends in the international system, while others relate to developments within Arab and Muslim societies.

Some international trends are encouraging. There is growing emphasis in the West on safeguarding freedom of expression, human rights and the right to national self-determination. There has also been growing awareness in Arab and Islamic societies of the importance of defending human rights and realizing political and social reform. These trends provide a foundation on which better mutual understanding and cooperation can be built.

Unfortunately, there are also impediments to reaching this better understanding, and Western stances towards the Arab-Israeli conflict play a major role in this respect; as does the strong influence of the Zionist lobby on the policies of the US and the UE, who are the leading powers shaping the international management of this conflict.

The clear backtracking by President Obama from the policies he outlined in his famous Cairo speech is a case in point. The policies he has adopted in practice display complete tolerance towards arrogant Israeli positions that deny Palestinians their right to return to their own land, and insist on continuing to build settlements on occupied territories. They also reveal the complete absence of political will to establish a just and peaceful settlement. Those who seek to understand Arab rage and determination to support Palestinian, Arab and Islamic resistance movements, must comprehend how Israeli extremism plays a sabotaging role, and how injustice and oppression breed a spirit of animosity. The West in general and the US in particular, have endorsed Israeli repression by turning a blind eye, and claiming to maintain an 'even handed' approach to both oppressor and oppressed.

As long as US military and economic might dominate the international system, the prospects for a just and peaceful settlement will diminish year after year. Only if a multi-polar international system emerges in which competing powers balance and limit one another, can we hope for a more equitable outcome for this conflict. In the absence of these conditions, it would be the height of self-delusion to place any trust in Israeli 'good intensions', especially in view of all the support its very effective lobby can mobilize. In the present international situation, no justice or peace can be achieved. Moreover, those who choose to overlook Israeli aggression and to abandon their legal, political and moral obligations – by virtue of their position of strength within the international system – must bear the burden of guilt for the conflicts and clashes that will ensue.

What Arabs and Muslims Must Do

Domestic political conditions in Arab countries will also influence the future of West-Muslim relations. Many Arab states have become subject to external pressures that practically dictate their policies. This external influence steers Arab policies towards alliances and policy positions that are difficult to defend before their domestic constituencies, and threaten, sooner or later, to cause domestic upheaval. Arab public opinion has been unable to comprehend or to accept, why many Arab states have ceased to stand up to blatant Israeli aggression, and how these states have come to ignore that it is the militarized Israeli state which is their true enemy in the Middle East. Instead, they witness Arab regimes declaring their open hostility to other regional players, such as Iran, Hizbullah and Hamas, with which they have no bone of contention. While there may be areas of competition with these players, this competition can be exploited to further the real interests of all Arab and Islamic states.We cannot but be aware that the active stances of Turkey and Iran, both non-Muslim Arab states, and of Hamas, a resistance movement, detract from Egypt's position and role as the political and military leader in the region. But these remain secondary contradictions, while the Arab's true and central contradiction, on all political, economic, cultural and military levels, remains with Israel. Arab public opinion has received no explanation as to why this fundamental stance has been abandoned. Their confusion leaves them unable to understand, or take a stand on, crucial issues that will influence the future of an entire generation.

Furthermore, intellectuals and leaders of all Islamic movements and currents, have a duty to end their state of isolation from the external world with all its political and intellectual currents. They must actively seek to explain to the world the true nature of their political culture, and the principles on which they build their understanding of their own religion. They must work hard to correct the false perception that they pose a threat to peace and freedom, the ideals so cherished in western culture.

In particular I would like to point out to leaders of the Islamic movements that their efficiency in mobilizing and organising supporters has not been accompanied by a similar effort to widen their cultural and intellectual horizons. The discourse of these movements still consists of mainly general statements, drawn from limited intellectual and scholarly sources. They have therefore abandoned their duty to innovate, and have neglected to keep abreast of major developments in the realm of international relations, and changes in life style that have resulted from the revolutions in science and technology.

I say to these leaders, all these changes necessitate the modification of both your political and cultural discourse. You must radically change how you operate in this new environment, and revise many of the basic concepts that guide your understanding of Islam.

Islamic organisations in Arab and Islamic countries, as well as Muslim Communities in Western countries must end their isolation from all other social and political currents and movements around them. They must maintain constant interaction in order to establish avenues of effective cooperation that serve the interests of communities as a whole. Within Arab societies, Islamic movements have ceased to be involved in the larger social movement for reform, and continue to pay a price for this isolation. Muslim communities in the west, by isolating themselves from the societies in which they reside, have diminished their social and political influence. None of this bodes well for future relations between Western states and Muslim peoples.

Islamic movements must also abandon their harsh and demanding rhetoric, and remember that all religions at their core carry the message of mercy to all people, and aim to liberate all men from domination by others. It is not Islam's role to make life more difficult, or add new burdens to the ones Muslims already bear. These organisations must also, irrevocably and in all good conscience, renounce the use of any means, overt or covert, to forcibly bring about social or political change. While most movements have in fact done so, their recent history still raises justifiable fears in others. It will require time and diligence to bring these fears to an end.

There is also a need to develop clear positions within Islamic discourse on several issues: the role of women in society, the position of non-Muslim minorities and the nature of the 'state' in Islamic society. Many Muslims still adhere to the erroneous misinterpretation that women have no role outside the home, that they are inferior in both intellect and religion. The rights of non-Muslim minorities in predominantly Muslim communities must be clearly spelled out. Finally, a clear and decisive definition of the nature of the State in Muslim countries must be put forth. Will it be a 'religious' state administered by clergy? Or a civic state whose leaders come to power on the basis of merit and popular choice?

Governments in Arab and Islamic countries must also do their part by discontinuing the use of force in their interactions with these organizations and movements, and understand that religious extremism is a complex phenomenon, with social, economic, cultural as well as religious dimensions. The historical record clearly shows that violence only begets violence, that breaching the boundaries of the law while trying to fight any ideology or belief system, no matter how erroneous, only makes its adherents more determined and spreads their ideas even further. The rule of law remains the only guarantor of security for both ruler and ruled.

Conclusion

We must all, those who fear Islam and those who fear for Islam, step back from this environment of fear. There is still time to disengage and reevaluate our misconceptions of both friend and foe. While Muslim leaders and intellectuals must address the task of re-examining their discourse and reengaging with the world as a whole, there are challenges that must be faced in the west as well. The West has gone a long way towards establishing freedom of belief, faith and expression, as well as the rule of law. Western societies face the challenge of reviving the value of justice, and abandoning all forms of arrogance towards 'the other', thereby dealing with all on the basis of human equality.

Both Western and Islamic civilizations respect individual sanctity, responsibility and accountability. All must strive for better understanding and conduct in order to avoid further strife.

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* Professor of Law and Islamic Scholar

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