Showing posts with label Ghost Prisoners. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ghost Prisoners. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 05, 2012

New Drugs Can Be Tested On Detainees & Prisoners



Madison Ruppert writes,

A recently revealed document entitled “Medical Support to Detainee Operations,” originally published in November 2007 by the United States Army, reveals some quite disturbing realities of what goes on in detainee operations run by the U.S. military.

Some of the newly released manual made public by Public Intelligence on August 16, 2012 seems to be positive such as some of the prohibited acts, which include “killing, torture, medical/scientific experimentation, physical mutilation, removal of tissues/organs for transplantation, and causing serious injury, pain, and suffering.”


Interestingly, it appears that this document would incriminate some individuals who have participated in past interrogations, including the health care personnel responsible for forcibly injecting detainees at Guantanamo Bay with “mind altering drugs.”

“Health care personnel, who administer drugs to facilitate interrogation or advise interrogators on the ability of an individual to withstand torture, can be considered complicit in that torture,” states the document.


Then again, they will undoubtedly claim that the interrogations just happened to take place while the detainees were under the influence of the drugs. Therefore, they can claim that the drugs were not administered to facilitate interrogation.

The seemingly positive prohibitions against torture and medical/scientific experimentation outlined above crumble completely when one realizes that this can indeed be done in a roundabout manner.

For instance, one paragraph reads, “Under current DOD policy, health care personnel cannot certify a detainee for torture but they can provide consultation to interrogators so long as they are not also detainee treatment providers.”

That seems to clearly indicate that torture does occur, despite the claims otherwise. This is hardly surprising given that three detainees in Guantanamo Bay turned up dead in 2006, supposedly from committing suicide.

The suicide claim is dubious at best, since according to one of the fathers of the dead inmates the bodies bore “all the traces of torture” and upon further medical examination he discovered that “his son’s esophagus had been ripped out and his body bore signs of torture, including several injection marks on his hands.”

To make matters even worse, according to Sergeant Joe Hickman who was stationed in a guard tower at the time, he was told that the men had swallowed rags which is hardly a typical suicide method.

The document also states that they will only seek to gain the consent of the detainee for medical treatment when it is practical to do so.

“To the extent practicable, standards and procedures for obtaining consent will be consistent with those applicable to consent from other patients. Standard exceptions for lifesaving emergency medical care provided to a patient incapable of providing consent or for care necessary to protect public health, such as to prevent the spread of communicable diseases, will apply,” the document states.

In other words, obtaining consent is only necessary when there is not an emergency, when the person is capable of providing consent and/or when there is not a risk to public health. As I’m sure you can tell, those are a lot of exceptions.

But wait, there’s more! The exceptions get even broader when the manual deals with medical and scientific experimentation on detainees.

While the manual states, “The Detaining Power is prohibited from conducting medical and scientific experimentation on detained personnel. This prohibition arose from the experiences in World War II. Since the prisoner is in the custody of the Detaining Power, any consent to the experiment is suspect as the prisoner may feel coerced to provide consent,” there is a pretty significant exception outlined in the next sentence.

“This prohibition does not extend to the introduction of new treatment regimens and/or pharmaceuticals when there is a substantiated medical necessity and withholding the treatment would be detrimental to the health of the detainee,” states the document.

In other words, so long as they can claim it is a medical necessity, or that withholding the treatment would be in some way detrimental to the health of the individual being detained, they can feel free to try out those dangerous experimental treatments or pharmaceuticals on the detainee.

Interestingly, the document appears to say that surgeons may ignore an individual’s refusal to undergo a surgical procedure, “even if that procedure would be lifesaving and falls within existing medical standards.”

“A surgeon may feel that he is not ethically bound by a refusal in the case of a minor or of an individual whose judgment is impaired by injury or illness,” the document states. “Documenting the issue, whether it is the patient’s refusal (in writing if at all possible) or the surgeon’s decision is an essential step in ensuring that allegations of abuse are not forthcoming.”

The document also deals with assistance provided to interrogation teams by medical personnel. It may come as a surprise to some but medical personnel are “authorized to make psychological assessments of the character, personality, social interactions, and other behavioral characteristics of detainees, including interrogation subjects and, based on such assessments, advise authorized personnel performing lawful interrogations and other lawful DO [Detainee Operations], including intelligence activities and law enforcement.”

Furthermore, medical personnel, “May provide advice concerning interrogations of detainees when the interrogations are fully in consonance with applicable law and properly issued interrogation instructions are available,” and, “May observe, but shall not conduct or direct, interrogations.”

It goes far beyond just the interrogations, however, including even advising “command authorities on the detention facility environment, organization and functions,” and medical staff can also “advise command authorities responsible for determinations of release, continued detention of detainees, or assessments concerning the likelihood that a detainee will, if released, engage in terrorist, illegal, combatant, or similar activities against the interests of the US.”

They are very careful, however, to make sure that those health care personnel who are involved in the clinical care of the detainees are not seen as assisting in the interrogations themselves.

“Behavioral science consultants will not allow themselves to be identified to detainees as health care providers. Behavioral science consultants will not provide medical care for staff or detainees (except in emergency circumstances in which no other health care providers can respond adequately to save life or prevent permanent impairment),” the document states.

The same individual is also not supposed to serve as clinical staff and as a behavioral science consultant at the same location within a three-year period unless there are “compelling circumstances requiring an exception to the rule.”


It might just be me, but it seems this document provides an exception and a way to get around just about every meager protection provided to the detainees.

Unfortunately, this is hardly surprising when one reads other manuals dealing with these types of operations, or when one looks at some of the horror stories which have emerged from prisons like Abu Ghraib, the Bagram prison (which the United States is expanding instead of closing), and of course Guantanamo Bay.

The strangest aspect of all of this, in my opinion, is just how little most people seem to care about it. Considering the fact that any American can now be indefinitely detained as confirmed by a U.S. federal judge and now being fought for by the Obama administration, I think the treatment of detainees is something everyone in the United States should be deeply concerned about.

Did I forget anything or miss any errors? Would you like to make me aware of a story or subject to cover? Or perhaps you want to bring your writing to a wider audience? Feel free to contact me atadmin@EndtheLie.com with your concerns, tips, questions, original writings, insults or just about anything that may strike your fancy.

This article first appeared at End the Lie.

Madison Ruppert is the Editor and Owner-Operator of the alternative news and analysis databaseEnd The Lie and has no affiliation with any NGO, political party, economic school, or other organization/cause. He is available for podcast and radio interviews. Madison also now has his own radio show on Orion Talk Radio from 8 pm -- 10 pm Pacific, which you can find HERE

Saturday, February 14, 2009

Continuity Of The Wrong Kind

Editorial
Published: February 10, 2009
Courtesy Of The New York Times

The Obama administration failed — miserably — the first test of its commitment to ditching the extravagant legal claims used by the Bush administration to try to impose blanket secrecy on anti-terrorism policies and avoid accountability for serial abuses of the law.

On Monday, a Justice Department lawyer dispatched by the new attorney general, Eric Holder, appeared before a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco. The case before them involves serious allegations of torture by five victims of President Bush’s extraordinary rendition program. The five were seized and transported to American facilities abroad or to countries known for torturing prisoners.

Incredibly, the federal lawyer advanced the same expansive state-secrets argument that was pressed by Mr. Bush’s lawyers to get a trial court to dismiss the case without any evidence being presented. It was as if last month’s inauguration had never occurred.

Voters have good reason to feel betrayed if they took Mr. Obama seriously on the campaign trail when he criticized the Bush administration’s tactic of stretching the state-secrets privilege to get lawsuits tossed out of court. Even judges on the panel seemed surprised by the administration’s decision to go forward instead of requesting a delay to reconsider the government’s position and, perhaps, file new briefs.

The argument is that the very subject matter of the suit is a state secret so sensitive that it cannot be discussed in court, and it is no more persuasive now than it was when the Bush team pioneered it. For one thing, there is ample public information available about the C.I.A.’s rendition, detention and coercive interrogation programs. The fact that some of the evidence might be legitimately excluded on national security grounds need not preclude the case from being tried, and allowing the judge to make that determination. More fundamentally, the Obama administration should not be invoking state secrets to cover up charges of rendition and torture.

President Obama has taken some important steps to repair Mr. Bush’s damaging legacy — issuing executive orders to prohibit torture, shut secret prisons overseas and direct closure of the detention camp at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. It would have been good if he and Mr. Holder had shown the same determination in that federal court, rather than defending the indefensible.

The Pentagons Role In CIA's Secret Jails

Defence Role In CIA's Secret Jails

February 14, 2009
Courtesy Of The Age

THREE human rights groups have obtained documents that confirm US Department of Defence involvement in the CIA's "ghost" detention program, and the existence of secret prisons at Bagram air base in Afghanistan and in Iraq.

The documents obtained as part of a long-running legal battle using freedom-of-information laws were released by the Department of Defence to Amnesty International USA, the Centre for Constitutional Rights and the Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice last week.

The groups received about 1000 documents from Defence out of more than 12,000 that have been identified as coming within their request but which are still being withheld by agencies including the CIA and the Department of Justice.

The groups said these documents confirm the existence of secret prisons at Bagram and in Iraq; affirm the Defence Department's co-operation with the CIA's "ghost" detention program; and show one case where Defence sought to delay the release of Guantanamo prisoners who were scheduled to be sent home by a month and a half in order to avoid bad press.

The document from the transport division recommended "hold(ing) off on return flights for 45 days or so until things die down. Otherwise we are likely to have hero's welcomes awaiting the detainees when they arrive."

The email also recommended transfer in a smaller, more discreet plane. Around that time a UN report on Guantanamo had been released.

The groups said the documents also revealed that Defence had a policy not to register prisoners with the Red Cross for 14 days and sometimes for 30 days in the interests of collecting intelligence and that this policy was known to the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

"These newly released documents confirm our suspicion that the tentacles of the CIA's abusive program reached across agency lines," said Margaret Satterthwaite, director of New York University's International Human Rights Clinic. "In fact, it is increasingly obvious that Defence officials engaged in legal gymnastics to find ways to co-operate with the CIA's activities."

The head of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Democrat Patrick Leahy, is pushing for the establishment of a "truth commission" answerable to both chambers of Congress to investigate the actions of the Bush administration and departments.

Senator Leahy called his proposal a "middle ground" between those critics of the Bush administration seeking to prosecute officials, and others wishing to concentrate on the future as opposed to investigating the past.

But on Sunday, President Barack Obama was non-committal. While he repeated his line that torture was wrong and would cease under his Administration, he also noted that he was of a mind to look forward not backwards.