Friday, June 03, 2011

Israel Must Stop Overplaying The Holocaust Card

We don't have to give up on the Holocaust - it is our history and holds central lessons for all human beings - But We Have To Stop Using It As A Justification For Israeli Policies.

By Anshel Pfeffer
Published 01:04 27.05.11
Latest update 01:04 27.05.11
Courtesy Of "Haaretz Newspaper"

As this week draws thankfully to a close, we are all suffering from a severe Bibiobamal overdose. Before we allow ourselves to switch off and hopefully begin to forget these historical speeches, just one question: What did we learn over the past week?
Four speeches in Washington sought to redefine the history, present and future of the Middle East, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the strategic alliance between Israel and the United States and the Jewish People as a whole - but aside from marveling once again at the rhetorical brilliance of Barak Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu, which we knew about anyway, everything is still depressingly the same: Two failed messiahs delivering empty promises and no chance of deliverance from the cycle of violence, which is turning to another round of almost inevitable bloodshed come September.
Benjamin Netanyahu at Congress - Reuters - 24.5.2011
Benjamin Netanyahu addressing a joint meeting of Congress in Washington, May 24, 2011.
Photo by: Reuters

Netanyahu and Obama are more eloquent and telegenic than their predecessors, Yitzhak Shamir and George Bush the elder, but it is as if we are back in 1991 and Shamir is saying on the eve of the pointless Madrid Conference, "the sea is the same sea and the Arabs are the same Arabs."
While Shamir's life-mission was simple - get up every morning to fight the Arabs trying to throw us back into the sea - Netanyahu's historical arc is much grander. "We've been around for almost 4,000 years," he lectured Obama last Friday in the White House, and when Bibi gets going through the millennia, you know where he's going to stop. "We've gone through expulsions and pogroms and massacres and the murder of millions. But I can say that ... even at the nadir of the valley of death, we never lost hope and we never lost our dream of reestablishing a sovereign state in our ancient homeland, the Land of Israel."
Yes, the millions again, though you have to give him credit for coming up with that elegant turn of phrase - why say Holocaust when you can go for "the nadir of the valley of death." He made up for it in his speech before Congress on Tuesday when he mentioned the Holocaust twice - once when excoriating the Iranian regime who "less than seven decades after six million Jews were murdered, Iran's leaders deny the Holocaust of the Jewish people, while calling for the annihilation of the Jewish state." And then again when putting the case for Israel's "right to defend itself," he said that "if history has taught the Jewish people anything, it is that we must take calls for our destruction seriously. We are a nation that rose from the ashes of the Holocaust. When we say never again, we mean never again."
By the way, I found it interesting that when he spoke to AIPAC he didn't feel the need to talk about the Holocaust. As if when among the Jews Bibi feels he has no need to use the doomsday argument, but with the goyim it's another matter. Why does Netanyahu feel the need to play the Holocaust card so often? Is it because he feels that his other arguments are beginning to sound increasingly hollow, is this his last resort? Is he not afraid of trivializing the Shoah?
The Israeli right wing claims to have legitimate arguments why Israel should be very wary of retreating from parts of the West Bank. Do they really need the Holocaust to shore them up? And if they do, doesn't that say something about those arguments?
The problem with Holocaust overuse is that it moves the focus from the present to history and allows all sides to the argument to get in on the game. When Netanyahu cites the six million, he is giving credence to the Palestinian claim that they were those made to suffer for the genocide of the Jews in Europe. He is directly bolstering the Nakba claims. Netanyahu would be the first to agree that the murders of six million European Jews do not justify the displacement of 600,000 Palestinians, but that the cause of an independent Jewish state in the historical Land of Israel was a just one, long before 1939. The Holocaust merely served to emphasize the need for that state.
But this is the worst possible moment to drag history into the equation. Frustrated at the lack of progress in the diplomatic process, more and more Palestinians and their supporters are demanding not only the 1967 borders, but the 1948 ones, in a single state, where Jews will be in a minority once the Palestinian refugees return. Many Israelis, especially on the right wing, suspect that this was the Palestinian intention all along and that the Oslo Accords were only a cover for this purpose.
Whatever the case, a battle of historical narratives, Holocaust versus Nakba (and it doesn't matter that they are incomparable ), will only perpetuate these claims. Jews and Arabs, Israelis and Palestinians, who today, in 2011, prefer to cling on to history, are obstructing any chance of achieving some kind of two-state compromise and despite his new-found support for a Palestinian state, Netanyahu is one of them.
We don't have to give up on the Holocaust - it is our history and holds central lessons for all human beings - but we have to stop using it as a justification for Israeli policies. And we don't have to be afraid of the Nakba. Injustices were carried out by both sides in 1948, but if Israel would have lost, there is no question that the atrocities would have been of a totally different order. But anyway, that is history and bringing the Holocaust into the equation only forces Israel to opposing historical claims. Despite all our failings, Israel is enough of a success story to argue its case based on today's realities.

Thursday, June 02, 2011

AIPAC: US Should Not Be Even-Handed Toward Palestinians

Day after U.S. president clarifies vision of Palestinian state within 1967 borders, director of pro-Israel lobby urges Jerusalem and Washington to avoid any public display of diplomatic crisis, as it would likely be exploited by Israel's enemies.

By Natasha Mozgovaya
Published 18:42 23.05.11
Latest update 18:42 23.05.11
Courtesy Of "Haaretz Newspaper"

AIPAC Executive Director Howard Kohr said Monday that U.S. President Barack Obama should not take an even-handed approach to the Middle East conflict, as it puts Israel at a disadvantage.
“Part of being an honest broker is being honest," Kohr said in an address to AIPAC, a day after Obama spoke to the pro-Israel lobby and clarified his remarks regarding his vision for a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, adding "that honesty "should not be confused with even-handedness".
Obama AIPAC - AP - 22.5.11
U.S. President Barack Obama arriving at the AIPAC Conference dais for his keynote address on May 22, 2011.
Photo by: AP

"In a world which is demonstrably on the side of the Palestinians and Arabs - where Israel stands virtually alone - the United States has a special role to play," said the AIPAC director. "When the United States is even-handed, Israel is automatically at a disadvantage, tilting the diplomatic playing field overwhelmingly toward the Palestinians and Arabs."
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On Monday, Kohr urged Jerusalem and Washington to work out their differences privately, warning that any public display of a diplomatic crisis would serve as fodder for Israel's enemies.
“If Israel's foes come to believe that there is diplomatic daylight between the United States and Israel, they will have every incentive to try to exploit those differences and shun peace with the Jewish state," warned the AIPAC director..
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Israel Is Hypocritical When It Comes To Iran Nuclear Sanctions

The Israeli Industrialists, The Ofer Brothers, Did Business With Iran, Defying United Nations Sanctions That Israel Pressed For.

By Yossi Melman
Published 02:45 30.05.11
Latest update 02:45 30.05.11
Courtesy Of "Haaretz Newspaper"

The Ofer brothers, wearing their hat as a foreign company, are allowed to trade with Iran in many areas, including the buying and selling of oil. But they were not allowed to sell them a tanker because Iran's national shipping company, IRISL, is one of the companies the UN Security Council has imposed sanctions on.
In any case, if they are wearing their Israeli hat, it's not at all clear what they are allowed or not allowed to do. But beyond the legal nitpicking, is it right and moral for an Israeli company or businessman to do business with Iran?
ofer - Moti Kimche - May 30 2011
Sami Ofer
Photo by: Moti Kimche

As part of the efforts to sabotage Iran's nuclear program, the international community, led by the United States and the European Union, and urged on by Israel, has imposed a series of sanctions on the ayatollahs' regime.
The sanctions, which the Security Council has passed since 2006, are the lowest-common-denominator type, over which an international consensus can be obtained, particularly the support of Russia and China. They are aimed directly at government companies, private firms and a number of prominent individuals in Iran, including government officials and generals, linked directly to Iran's nuclear and missile programs. That's why Iran's shipping company is on the list, because Iran uses it to transport equipment and materials for its nuclear and missile programs.
But there is no ban on trading with Iran for oil and refined products, even though such sanctions are the most effective method because Iran's energy economy generates about 90 percent of its income. But such a decision cannot pass in the Security Council because of opposition from Russia and China.
Another batch of sanctions, the result of unilateral decisions by the U.S. government and the European Union, expands restrictions on trade with Iran in areas such as banking, which helps fund Tehran's nuclear and missile programs.
Voluntary sanctions are even broader. Quite a few companies and international conglomerates have restricted or halted trade with Iran in areas such as banking, finance, insurance, and oil and gas investments in that country because they fear the policy of certain American states, trade unions and municipalities to keep their pension funds from investing in companies that do business with Iran. For example, about a year ago, Los Angeles canceled a quarter-million-dollar contract with Germany's Siemens because the conglomerate did business with Iran.
In this context, Israel's hypocritical and self-righteous policies stand out even more prominently. Israel preaches to the whole world about the need for sanctions on Iran, while doing absolutely nothing about them.
For example, while Los Angeles canceled a major transportation contract with Siemens, the Israel Airports Authority decided to purchase about NIS 150 million worth of equipment from that company. And the Israel Electric Corporation has awarded a half-billion-shekel contract to the Danish firm Haldor Topsoe for air-pollution filters, even though that company is building refineries in Iran to the tune of billions of dollars.
Israel's hypocrisy can also be seen in its unwillingness to enforce its own law. That law, passed at the behest of Benjamin Netanyahu even before he became prime minister, clearly states that Israeli companies may not invest more than $10 million in an international company that does business with Iran.
Israel's famous bureaucracy also has a role to play in its turning a blind eye, it being entirely unclear whether Iran is classified as an enemy country. Most ministries have their own definitions; for example, the Defense Ministry bans military exports to Iran, even though in the 1980s and '90s it secretly sold equipment including shells and gas-warfare-detection gear to Tehran. The Interior Ministry has its own definition of what constitutes entry into and exit from Iran. The same is true for the Finance Ministry; the Industry, Trade and Labor Ministry; and the Justice Ministry.
Even if an official entity knew of and even benefited from Ofer-family maritime connections with Iran that contributed to national security, this doesn't justify the ongoing carelessness in dealing with the matter in a broader context.
A guiding hand and a single clear policy are lacking to put an end to the shamefulness of Israeli companies doing business with Iran and turning the situation into one great farce.

“200 Israeli Companies Have Ties With Iran"

Israel Apparently Doing Nothing To Enforce International Sanctions On Iran

Benjamin Netanyahu, who endlessly preaches the need for firm action against Iran to prevent it from acquiring nuclear arms, is not lifting a finger to stop Israeli companies and individuals indirectly trading with Iran.

By Yossi Melman
Published 02:51 26.05.11
Latest update 02:51 26.05.11
Courtesy Of "Haaretz Newspaper"

The Ofer Brothers Group may be scurrying into damage control in Israel, Singapore, London and Washington, after the United States blacklisted it for trading with Iran, but Israel seems to be doing nothing to enforce international sanctions on Iran.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who endlessly preaches the need for firm action against Iran to prevent it from acquiring nuclear arms, is not lifting a finger to stop Israeli companies and individuals indirectly trading with Iran.
Ofer Brothers
Sammy and Yuli Ofer from the Ofer Brothers Group.
Photo by: Archive

Nor is he acting against international companies and corporations that operate in Iran, while maintaining huge contracts with Israeli companies - including state bodies like the Electric Corporation and Airport Authority.
This incompetence, bordering on grave deficiency, is causing severe damage to the image of both Israel and its prime minister.
The situation raises questions about Israel's intelligence community, headed by the Mossad, which seems oblivious to what is going on in Israel. This community is in charge of thwarting Iran's nuclear plan by any means, including locating companies worldwide that trade with Iran and help its nuclear program.
At least 200 international companies operating in Israel maintain extensive trade ties with Iran. These ties include investments in the Iranian energy industry, which is Iran's main income source and serves to funnel funds to develop missiles, the nuclear program and other unconventional weapons.
In 2008 Israel enacted legislation prohibiting Israeli companies from investing in such corporations. But so far the government has done nothing to enforce it. Even after the Israel Electric Corp. and the Israeli Airports Authority purchased hundreds of millions of dollars worth of equipment from Danish and German companies operating in Iran, and after Haaretz reported it, Israel still did nothing.
Dr. Uzi Arad, until recently head of the National Security Council, said in response to a query from Haaretz that the issue is not within his jurisdiction and referred us to the Finance Ministry. But the Finance Ministry has also done nothing.
Yesterday it transpired that the company at the center of the storm involving the Ofer Brothers' alleged trade with Iran is the Singapore-based Tanker Pacific, one of the world's largest shipping companies. It operates a fleet of 45 huge tankers that transport crude oil worldwide, with branches in India, Britain and China. Its chairman and CEO is the British Alastair McGregor.
Company spokesman Edward Ion refused to give Haaretz details about the company's full ownership and legal structure but confirmed, in a telephone conversation from Singapre, that the company is "owned by the Ofer Brothers Group."
Tanker Pacific purchased the tanker Raffles Park in 2000. Until it was sold in September 2010, the tanker carried crude oil under a Liberian flag. Liberia gives ships the right to use its flag to hide their real ownership, as is customary in the shipping business, in exchange for foreign currency.
The tanker was sold for $8.65 million, a relatively low price, in a deal brokered by the Monegasque company Shipping Brokerage Associated. This company located the Coral Light Corporation of Panama company, registered in Panama, which ended up under ownership of the company Crystal Shipping of Sharjah. Sharjah is a small emirate in the Persian Gulf.
Crystal Shipping was the company that bought the Ofer Brothers' tanker. Another company registered in Dubai, called Noah Ship Management, provides managing services for the purchased tanker.
The U.S. State Department said on Tuesday that several companies involved in the deal served as a "front," to hide the fact that Iran's national shipping company - the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines - was behind it.
This shipping company appears on the UN Security Council's blacklisted corporations. It is forbidden to trade with these corporations because of their involvement in transporting equipment and materials for Iran's missile and nuclear programs.
Dubai is also seen as a major operation base for Iran's Revolutionary Guards, which built branches and offices there under fictitious names to hide their identity.
In the past, Dubai acted against companies that were discovered to be associated with Iran and its missile and nuclear programs.
Spokespeople for the Ofer Brothers Group and Tanker Pacific said yesterday they did not know the sale was carried out for Iran's shipping company, stressing they had acted in good faith.
They said it was the broker's - the Monegasque company - responsibility to check the buyer's identity.
The Ofer Brothers are making efforts through their lawyers in Singapore and Washington to meet American officials in a bid to persuade them the administration had made a mistake and to remove them from the black list.

Israeli's Sell Military Helicopters To Iran

Spanish Police Stop Illegal Sale Of Israeli Military Helicopters To Iran

Five Spanish businessmen, three Iranians involved in sale of the helicopters, which is illegal due to UN sanctions on Iran, nabbed by Spanish police.

By Yossi Melman
Published 13:58 26.05.11
Latest update 13:58 26.05.11
Courtesy Of "Haaretz Newspaper"

Spanish police have arrested eight people who allegedly planned to sell to Iran U.S.-made military transport helicopters that they bought from Israel with U.S. government approval.
Interior Minister Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba said five Spanish businessmen and three Iranians who had come to Spain to finalize the deal have been arrested.
Helicopters seized by Spanish Police - AFP - May 26, 2011
Image grab from video by Spanish Police show a U.S.-made helicopter obtained in Israel, May 26, 2011.
Photo by: AFP

A statement by Spain's interior ministry said nine U.S.-made Bell 212 helicopters were seized in warehouses in Madrid and the northeastern port city of Barcelona. Spare aircraft parts that police say were intended for Venezuela were also confiscated.
It was revealed to Haaretz that Israel's defense ministry had sold the U.S.-made helicopters, which had been in storage after years of use by the Israeli Air Force, to a Spanish businessman named Pedro Matorna, who intended to sell them for fire-fighting services in Spain. 
The sale, worth $20 million, was made with U.S. government approval, given that the helicopters were manufactured in the U.S. The purchase was approved after Matorna's company submitted documents declaring that the helicopters would be sold on for use in fire-fighting services.
When it turned out that the helicopters were unsuitable for this use, the Spanish company looked for another buyer in order to get rid of the stock, planning to sell them on to Iran.
Events indicate that Israel acted properly and in coordination with the U.S. government.
The United Nations has imposed an arms embargo on Iran. Police put the value of the sale at 100 million ($140 million).
The International Atomic Energy Agency recently revealed in a report fresh evidence that Iran has tried to weaponize its nuclear program. Many are increasingly concerned that Iran is trying to obtain nuclear weapons, and thus sanctions against the country continue to be tightened.
U.S. senators recently proposed further tightening sanctions on Iran, reflecting fears that companies overseas, particularly in China, are evading U.S. penalties imposed last year for doing business with Iran.
The Senate bill was introduced a day after the Obama administration penalized seven foreign firms, including Venezuela's state-owned oil company, for trading with Iran.
The European Union this week also tightened sanctions against Iran, reflecting the mounting frustration over a lack of progress in nuclear talks with Tehran.
EU foreign ministers agreed to add more than 100 new entities to a list of companies and people affected by EU sanctions, designed to put economic pressure on Tehran to abandon its atomic program, EU diplomats said.

U.S. Announces Sanctions Against Israeli Company

By ISABEL KERSHNER
Published: May 26, 2011
Courtesy Of "The New York Times"



JERUSALEM — Even as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was praising the United States in a speech on Tuesday for imposing tougher sanctions on Iran for its nuclear activities, the State Department announced that it was imposing sanctions on a leading Israeli company, Ofer Brothers Group, for activities supporting Iran’s energy sector.
While the State Department’s decision caused Israel considerable embarrassment, it was the timing that created the greatest stir. It came soon after Mr. Netanyahu’s friction with Mr. Obama over using the 1967 borders as a basis for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
“Nobody wants to over-interpret the choice of timing,” said an Israeli official who was speaking on the condition of anonymity for diplomatic reasons, “but there was no objective reason for the State Department to come out with the announcement on that precise day.”
“Does this carry meaning? I am unable to tell you. But you cannot blame anybody for being suspicious,” he said.
The Obama administration dismissed any connection between the sanctions and Mr. Netanyahu’s visit. “These sanctions take months” to work through the Department of Treasury’s vetting process, a senior administration official said. “There is a process.”
Still, the awkward fact remains that a corporation owned by one of Israel’s most prominent business families has been blacklisted for dealings, however indirect, with Iran.
According to the State Department, the Ofer Brothers Group and its Singapore-based subsidiary, Tanker Pacific, are being sanctioned along with Associated Shipbroking of Monaco for their roles in a September 2010 transaction that provided a tanker valued at $8.65 million to the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines.
The shipping company has been cited by the United States and the European Union for its role in supporting Iran’s proliferation activities. Deputy Secretary of State James B. Steinberg told reporters in Washington that “Iran uses revenues from its energy sector to fund its nuclear program, as well as to mask procurement of dual-use items.”
The State Department determined that Tanker Pacific and Ofer Brothers Group “failed to exercise due diligence and did not heed publicly available and easily obtainable information” that would have indicated that they were dealing with the Iranians. As a result, the two companies are barred from security financing from the Export-Import Bank of the United States, from obtaining loans over $10 million from American financial institutions and from receiving United States export licenses, the State Department said.
Tanker Pacific issued a statement saying that it was “startled to learn” of the sanctions over the sale of one of its tankers, the MT Raffles Park, and that it believed the American decision was taken “in error.”
The company said that it had been working closely with American authorities since it first received inquiries relating to the sale, and that it had taken “all appropriate action” at the time of the transaction to ensure that the parties involved were not connected with Iran.
Motti Scherf, the media adviser of the Ofer Brothers Group, at first went on Israeli television and described the allegations as a misunderstanding. Reached by telephone on Thursday, Mr. Scherf refused to comment.
The Israeli news media have reported that the tanker eventually ended up in the hands of Crystal Shipping, a company based in the United Arab Emirates, and that from there it went to Iran.
The Tel Aviv-based Ofer Group, founded by the brothers Sammy and Yuli Ofer in 1956, is a multibillion-dollar global holdings group. Its growth is “a classic tale of a family’s journey from rags to riches,” according to its Web site.
There have long been grumblings in Israel about how a small business elite wields disproportionate power in the national economy. The Ofers are counted among the top 20 families, which together control 25 percent of the country’s listed companies.
However, the Israeli official said that the Ofer family would have to deal with American authorities themselves.

Steven Lee Myers contributed reporting from Deauville, France.

The Conquest Of The US By Spain



By Ralph Raico
Tuesday, May 24, 2011
Courtesy Of "The Ludwig Von Mises Institute"

[First published by the Future of Freedom Foundation (1995). An MP3 audio file of this article, narrated by Steven Ng, is available for download.]


The year 1898 was a landmark in American history. It was the year America went to war with Spain — our first engagement with a foreign enemy in the dawning age of modern warfare. Aside from a few scant periods of retrenchment, we have been embroiled in foreign politics ever since.

Starting in the 1880s, a group of Cubans agitated for independence from Spain. Like many revolutionaries before and after, they had little real support among the mass of the population. Thus they resorted to terrorist tactics — devastating the countryside, dynamiting railroads, and killing those who stood in their way. The Spanish authorities responded with harsh countermeasures.
Some American investors in Cuba grew restive, but the real forces pushing America toward intervention were not a handful of sugarcane planters. The slogans the rebels used — "freedom" and "independence" — resonated with many Americans, who knew nothing of the real circumstances in Cuba. Also playing a part was the "black legend" — the stereotype of the Spaniards as bloodthirsty despots that Americans had inherited from their English forebears. It was easy for Americans to believe the stories peddled by the insurgents, especially when the "yellow" press discovered that whipping up hysteria over largely concocted Spanish "atrocities" — while keeping quiet about those committed by the rebels — sold papers.
Politicians on the lookout for publicity and popular favor saw a gold mine in the Cuban issue. Soon the American government was directing notes to Spain expressing its "concern" over "events" in Cuba. In fact, the "events" were merely the tactics colonial powers typically used in fighting a guerrilla war. As bad or worse was being done by Britain, France, Germany, and others all over the globe in that age of imperialism. Spain, aware of the immense superiority of American forces, responded to the interference from Washington by attempts at appeasement, while trying to preserve the shreds of its dignity as an ancient imperial power.
When William McKinley became president in 1897, he was already planning to expand America's role in the world. Spain's Cuban troubles provided the perfect opportunity. Publicly, McKinley declared, "We want no wars of conquest; we must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression." But within the US government, the influential cabal that was seeking war and expansion knew they had found their man. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge wrote to Theodore Roosevelt, now at the Navy Department, "Unless I am profoundly mistaken, the Administration is now committed to the large policy we both desire." This "large policy," also supported by Secretary of State John Hay and other key figures, aimed at breaking decisively with our tradition of nonintervention and neutrality in foreign affairs. The United States would at last assume its "global responsibilities," and join the other great powers in the scramble for territory around the world.
The leaders of the war party camouflaged their plans by speaking of the need to procure markets for American industry, and were even able to convince a few business leaders to parrot their line. But in reality none of this clique of haughty patricians — "old money," for the most part — had any strong interest in business, or even much respect for it, except as the source of national strength. Like similar cliques in Britain, Germany, Russia, and elsewhere at the time, their aim was the enhancement of the power and glory of their state.
In order to escalate the pressure on Spain, the battleship USS Maine was dispatched to Havana's harbor. On the night of February 15, the Maine exploded, killing 252 men. Suspicion immediately focused on the Spaniards — although they had the least to gain from the destruction of the Maine. It was much more likely that the boilers had blown up — or even that the rebels themselves had mined the ship, to draw America into a war the rebels could not win on their own. The press screamed for vengeance against perfidious Spain, and interventionist politicians believed their hour had come.
McKinley, anxious to preserve his image as a cautious statesman, bided his time. He pressed Spain to stop fighting the rebels and start negotiating with them for Cuban independence, hinting broadly that the alternative was war. The Spaniards, averse to simply handing the island over to a terrorist junta, were willing to grant autonomy. Finally, desperate to avoid war with America, Madrid did proclaim an armistice — a stunning concession for one sovereign state to make at the bidding of another.
But this was not enough for McKinley, who had his eyes set on bagging a few of Spain's remaining possessions. On April 11, he delivered his war message to Congress, carefully omitting to mention the concession of an armistice. A week later, Congress passed the war resolution McKinley wanted.
In the Far East, Commodore George Dewey was given the go-ahead to carry out a prearranged plan: proceed to the Philippines and secure control of Manila's harbor. This he did, bringing along Emilio Aguinaldo and his Filipino independence fighters. In the Caribbean, American forces quickly subdued the Spaniards in Cuba, and then, after Spain sued for peace, went on to take over Puerto Rico as well. In three months, the fighting was over. It had been, as Secretary of State John Hay famously put it, "a splendid little war."
The quick US trouncing of decrepit Spain filled the American public with euphoria. It was a victory, people believed, for American ideals and the American way of life against an Old World tyranny. Our triumphant arms would guarantee Cuba a free and democratic future.
Against this tidal wave of public elation, one man spoke out. He was William Graham Sumner — Yale professor, famed social scientist, and tireless fighter for private enterprise, free trade, and the gold standard. Now he was about to enter his hardest fight of all.
On January 16, 1899, Sumner addressed an overflow crowd of the Yale chapter of Phi Beta Kappa. He knew that the assembled Yalies and the rest of the audience were brimming with patriotic pride. With studied irony, Sumner titled his talk "The Conquest of the United States by Spain."
Sumner threw down the gauntlet:
We have beaten Spain in a military conflict, but we are submitting to be conquered by her on the field of ideas and policies. Expansionism and imperialism are nothing but the old philosophies of national prosperity which have brought Spain to where she is now.
Sumner proceeded to outline the original vision of America cherished by the Founding Fathers, radically different from what prevailed among the nations of Europe:
They would have no court and no pomp; nor orders, or ribbons, or decorations, or titles. They would have no public debt. There was to be no grand diplomacy, because they intended to mind their own business, and not be involved in any of the intrigues to which European statesmen were accustomed. There was to be no balance of power and no "reason of state" to cost the life and happiness of citizens.
This had been the American idea, our signature as a nation: "It is by virtue of this conception of a commonwealth that the United States has stood for something unique and grand in the history of mankind, and that its people have been happy."
The system the Founders bequeathed to us, Sumner held, was a delicate one, providing for the division and balance of powers and aimed at keeping government small and local. It was no accident that Washington, Jefferson, and the others who created the republic issued clear warnings against "foreign entanglements." A policy of foreign adventurism would, in the nature of things, bend and twist and ultimately shatter our original system.
As foreign affairs became more important, power would shift from communities and states to the federal government, and, within that, from Congress to the president. An ever-busy foreign policy could only be carried out by the president, often without the knowledge of the people. Thus, the American system, based on local government, states' rights, and Congress as the voice of the people on the national level, would more and more give way to a bloated bureaucracy headed by an imperial presidency.
But now, with the war against Spain and the philosophy behind it, we were letting ourselves in for the old European way, Sumner declared — "war, debt, taxation, diplomacy, a grand governmental system, pomp, glory, a big army and navy, lavish expenditures, political jobbery — in a word, imperialism."
Already, it seems, the global meddlers had come up with what was to be their favorite smear word: "isolationist." And already Sumner had the appropriate retort. The imperialists "warn us against the terrors of 'isolation,'" he said, but "our ancestors all came here to isolate themselves" from the burdens of the Old World. "When the others are all struggling under debt and taxes, who would not be isolated in the enjoyment of his own earnings for the benefit of his own family?"
In abandoning our own system, there would be, Sumner freely admitted, compensations. Immortal glory is not nothing, as the Spaniards well knew. To be a part, even a pawn, in a mighty enterprise of armies and navies, to identify with great imperial power projected around the world, to see the flag raised on victorious battlefields — many peoples in history thought that game well worth the candle.
Only — only, it was not the American way. That way had been more modest, more prosaic, parochial, and, yes,middle class. It was based on the idea that we were here to live out our lives, minding our own business, enjoying our liberty, and pursuing our happiness in our work, families, churches, and communities. It had been the "small policy."
There is a logic in human affairs, Sumner the social scientist cautioned — once you make a certain decision, some paths that were open to you before are closed, and you are led, step-by-step, in a certain direction. America was choosing the path of world power, and Sumner had little hope that his words could change that. Why was he speaking out then? Simply because "this scheme of a republic which our fathers formed was a glorious dream which demands more than a word of respect and affection before it passes away."

The Ignorance Of Waging War On The World



The ignorant certainty of Harold Camping is essentially innocuous. He wasn't calling on believers to dispatch suspected sinners to their just deserts in eternity, simply to relax in the belief that God would do it himself. But the ignorant certainty of the politically powerful leaves nothing to God. The killing is done on their initiative and at their discretion - and it's real.

By Robert C. Koehler
May 28, 2011
Courtesy Of "Iviews"

Now that the end of the world didn't happen, I can't stop thinking about it. What chutzpah, what a diminished worldview, not simply to make such a prediction, but - even more incomprehensible, to my relentlessly self-questioning mind - to know you'll be among the saved.

In 1011, a guy like Harold Camping would probably have been able to generate more panic than bemusement. A millennium later, with science taught in the public schools and all, we have a little more collective resistance to such thundering certainty leaping from highway billboards. I confess, however, to feeling a deep, reptilian tug last Friday morning, as I saw the sign - SAVE THIS DATE, MAY 21, 2011, CHRIST IS COMING - while driving through eastern Wisconsin. Yikes, that's tomorrow.

What lingers for me in the aftermath of "life goes on (at least for a while)" is an alarmed sense of the power of ignorant certainty. Fanatical preachers are nothing more than the caricature of this power, which, in 2011, thrives like a virus in the American body politic. 

"Today we presented legislation that advances our national security aims, provides the proper care and logistical support for our fighting forces, and helps us meet the defense challenges of the 21st century."

Thus spake U.S. Rep. Howard P. "Buck" McKeon (R-Calif.), chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, in a press release two weeks ago announcing the committee's approval of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 - which contains provisions so alarming it has been dubbed, by David Swanson, "arguably the worst bill ever considered likely to pass into law," and even sparked an editorial in the New York Times. 

Among the egregious provisions in the legislation, which awaits a vote on the House floor, as Swanson and many others have pointed out, are a crippling of the implementation of the new START treaty and a halting of the process of nuclear weapons reduction, keeping our nuke stockpile at Cold War levels; a total allotment of $690 billion for the Departments of Defense and Energy (including $119 billion to fund the disastrous wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, $18 billion for ongoing nuclear weapons research and development, and funding for various other highly questionable weapons programs and systems); and allowance for the indefinite detention of current and future Guantanamo prisoners. 

But the big, scary thing about this piece of legislation - the thing that summons a newer, deeper irrationality from the pit of our collective paranoia - is the provision that would expand the "war on terror," at presidential discretion, to the whole world. 



As the Times editorial put it: "Osama bin Laden had been dead only a few days when House Republicans began their efforts to expand, rather than contract, the war on terror. Not content with the president's wide-ranging powers to pursue the archcriminals of Sept. 11, 2001, Republicans want to authorize the military to pursue virtually anyone suspected of terrorism, anywhere on earth, from now to the end of time."

The bill circumvents Congress and the Constitution and would allow the Executive Branch to wage war solely at its own discretion. "It would allow military attacks against not just Al Qaeda and the Taliban," the Times explains, "but also any 'associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States.'" It authorizes, with its excruciatingly vague language, a sort of global manifest destiny.

And this brings me back to the idea of ignorant certainty - a certainty about who should live and who should die - that is the driving force not just behind religious fanaticism but, far more dangerously, behind the politics of empire.

The ignorant certainty of Harold Camping is essentially innocuous. He wasn't calling on believers to dispatch suspected sinners to their just deserts in eternity, simply to relax in the belief that God would do it himself. But the ignorant certainty of the politically powerful leaves nothing to God. The killing is done on their initiative and at their discretion - and it's real.

This is war, and it has thrived as vibrantly in democracies as it has in autocracies. It could even be argued that the democratization of war and glory, the promotion of everyman from squire to swordsman, has fanned the flames of war. Consider the history of the 20th century (and the first tenth of the 21st). Democratic governments, while generally holding themselves blameless, have been responsible for a large percentage of the carnage wrought by modern, industrial wars.

And the United States of America, the original democracy, now devotes about two-thirds of its energy and treasure to war and defense. With the invention of the "war on terror" - a term as vague and meaningless as "war on evil" or "war on sin" - the political true believers and the economic beneficiaries of war found a way to keep the game alive indefinitely. NDAA 2012 would create the legal framework to disconnect "terror" from the 9/11 atrocities and guarantee the future of war, at the mere cost of the national soul.

Something feels like it's about to end. It's not the world, just what's left of American democracy. Once an interesting experiment in human sanity, it may prove unequal to its internal forces of fear and greed. 
*****
Robert Koehler is an award-winning, Chicago-based journalist, contributor to One World, Many Peaces and nationally syndicated writer. His new book, Courage Grows Strong at the Wound (Xenos Press) is now available. Contact him at koehlercw [at] gmail.com or visit his website at commonwonders.com

© 2011 TRIBUNE MEDIA SERVICES, INC.