Showing posts with label Nuclear Triggers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nuclear Triggers. Show all posts

Saturday, August 25, 2012

US-Israel Nuclear Front

Grant Smith reports,


Since late 2010 almost 70 plaintiffs have sued Atlantic Richfield Corporation and Babcock &Wilcox Power Generation Group, Inc. in a round of Pennsylvania U.S. District Court suits seeking hundreds of millions in damages [pdf]. The civil claims center on radiation exposure-related cancers that plaintiffs allege were caused by the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation (NUMEC).  NUMEC was a severely undercapitalized nuclear fuel processing plant that launched operations in an old steel mill in the heart of Apollo, PA in the late 1950s.  In the early 1960s NUMEC opened a plutonium facility and toxic waste dump in nearby Parks Township and later operated a secretive US government-owned Boron-10 facility in Niagara, NY.  NUMEC’s primary customer was the U.S. government.  Founder Zalman Shapiro leveraged his close ties to Admiral Hyman Rickover, the head of the U.S. Navy nuclear propulsion program, to win lucrative Cold War fuel contracts for nuclear-powered surface ships and submarines.
The plaintiffs filed their first expert report [pdf] substantiating NUMEC’s pollution record in court October of 2011. In the filing Joseph Ring, a Harvard University radiation safety expert, reviewed corporate and regulatory documents claiming NUMEC’s "operational, health, and safety practices were well below industry standards…"  Ring noted the Nuclear Energy Liability Insurance Association’s 1966 memo calling NUMEC "one of the hottest risks on our books." The Atomic Energy Commission, predecessor to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission — noted Ring — once opened a meeting stating "NUMEC has been the worst offender [of] AEC regulations over the years."  Ring filed documents that the inadequacy of NUMECs facilities in Apollo and Parks, PA led to NUMEC’s loss of "30 kilograms" of weapons-grade uranium — damning evidence of environmental negligence.
During the mid-1960s, NUMEC was investigated over its excessive losses of government-owned bomb-grade U-235 supplied for processing into Navy fuel.  
After fining NUMEC for the cost of the missing materials, the embarrassed Atomic Energy Commission conditioned Atlantic Richfield’s 1967 bid for a lucrative cost-plus five-year contract to run the AEC’s sprawling Hanford facility on its acquisition of the now bankrupt NUMEC.  Shapiro and the other key NUMEC shareholders made sure that ARCO also assumed all of NUMECs past liabilities, even as they pocketed $8 million in ARCO shares.  ARCO quickly spun off NUMEC to Babcock & Wilcox (now B&W Technologies) at a substantial loss as it successfully renewed its Hanford contracts for another five years.
On January 19, 2012 the two corporate defendants fired back.  They claimed it was court precedent that each individual would have to provide "plaintiff-specific" evidence of radiation exposure.  The attorneys representing Atlantic Richfield (now owned by BP) and B&W claimed that through discovery they learned most of the plaintiffs in the suit had been assembled by community environmental activist Patty Ameno.  Ameno identified plaintiffs through comment cards at public meetings on the basis of each cancer patient’s proximity to NUMEC facilities.  The court — claimed defendants — would not be able to distinguish between environmental and "lifestyle" related afflictions since plaintiffs claimed "over forty types" of cancers. This required "case management" exposure records for each plaintiff, argued the defendants.  After the judge accepted the defendant’s "case management" argument, a dozen plaintiffs quickly dropped out. 
In a closely related development, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers continues its attempt to deal with NUMEC’s toxic waste dump in Parks Township by soliciting broader input and information about what really happened at NUMEC. USACE was forced to halt material removal in October of 2011 after a contractor encountered unexpected materials and dangers at the site, now patrolled by automatic weapons-toting government agents. On June 26, 2012 USACE hosted a public meeting [pdf] to collect and document the concerns [pdf] of local residents affected by the toxic cleanup — which could cost up to half a billion dollars if it is allowed to proceed. On June 21, 2012 USACE representatives attended a status meeting in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building in Washington.  Representatives from the CIA, FBI, National Security Council, NSA, Justice Department and EPA were also in attendance.  Although no details of the secret discussions have yet been publicly revealed, the agencies involved signal that the nagging decades-old question of what really happened at NUMEC is once again a top-level concern in Washington.
Neither the USACE nor civil suit plaintiffs have yet to publicly ask the four basic questions that might allow them to understand the NUMEC crisis.  Why was NUMEC — a flyspeck among industry giants — even created?  Why was NUMEC located in the heart of a quaint borough in such tragically inadequate facilities?  Who brought it into being? If environmental and worker safety were of no concern to NUMEC’s operators (picked up on wiretaps discussing illegal storage leading to spills) what was its core hidden purpose?
David Lowenthal, a smuggler and fighter in Israel’s war of Independence with close ties to Israeli intelligence, was key to organizing NUMEC’s venture capital.  Zionist Organization of America Chapter President Zalman Shapiro frequently misled US regulators and regulators about his own dealings with Israeli intelligence operatives in the U.S. and their roles in Israel’s secret nuclear weapons program.  
An impartial review of the growing online documentary archive reveals NUMEC was created and operated as yet another in a line of smuggling fronts in the mold of such predecessors as Materials for Palestine, Service Airways, and Martech — only NUMEC was designed to illegally obtain access to weapons-grade material rather than conventional arms.  Like successor U.S. nuclear technology smuggler Telegy Inc [pdf] NUMEC was wholly bankrupt and quickly discarded by its founders after it had served its primary purpose. 
Because plaintiffs never addressed NUMEC’s clandestine history, they stood little chance of correctly targeting their civil suits.  This is regrettable, since during the time of uranium theft and before it was acquired, NUMEC did severely pollute the environs of Apollo and Parks.  Plaintiff health suit leader Ameno claims "Patty has been able to establish to a much higher degree and with documented evidence, that the alleged diversion of nuclear material from NUMEC to Israel never happened…The loss of nuclear material continued at NUMEC under the new ownerships of ARCO and Babcock & Wilcox, long after the former founder and president of NUMEC, Dr. Zalman Shapiro left the company. An NRC Task Force Report dated April 25, 1977, on Material Unaccounted For confirms this." Unfortunately for Ameno and her followers, a thorough 2001 Department of Energy audit determined that most of NUMEC’s weapons-grade uranium losses occurred while Shapiro was still at the helm of NUMEC, and only returned to industry norms after he was forced out of the company. An authoritative Bulletin of Atomic Science article confirms the DOE findings.
Incidents of fires, materials releases, employee radiation exposures, visits of Israeli nuclear scientists and undercover spies at the invitation of Zalman Shapiro during his time at NUMEC (1956-1970) are all now well-documented.  Even more damning information may be on its way.  On July 17, the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel (ISCAP) finally agreed to review top-secret NUMEC documents from the LBJ administration for public release.  
The top-secret documents purportedly deal with the CIA’s initial urgent warnings to the President Johnson that Israel was diverting vast quantities of weapons-grade nuclear material from NUMEC, as well as the president and NSC’s strategy for dealing with the crisis.  
While the CIA has denied all previous Freedom of Information Act and Mandatory Declassification Review requests for NUMEC-related documents, the ISCAP has the authority to overrule, as it has done in the majority of release cases.  
A successful document release could allow Parks and Apollo residents to finally seek hefty court-ordered damages from the true perpetrators (or their estates) who have long been shielded from the consequences of their lucrative crimes at NUMEC — Zalman Shapiro, NUMEC’s board members and the Israeli government.
While the defendants could easily argue in court that NUMEC’s liability policies (PDF) did not cover long-term fallout from the premeditated theft of nuclear material occurring before NUMEC changed ownership, they have refrained from doing so. A conflict of interest may be the reason.  Co-defendant ARCO is currently represented by Arnold & Porter LLP.   
The mega-firm is also the longest-serving registered foreign agent of the Israeli government in the United States.  
In 2010, even as it represented ARCO, Arnold & Porter signed a $10,000 per month retainer with the Israeli government for legal and advisory services and "special projects." Arnold & Porter lawyers have also represented Zalman Shapiro since the early 1970s, including his 2009 bid to force the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to issue a blanket exoneration of Shapiro for nuclear diversion.
If information regarding NUMEC’s history as a criminal enterprise is not declassified, NUMEC’s indirect victim pool will likely expand.  While some of those directly harmed will at least obtain health benefits, it will be from the same source of funding as the problematic USACE mega-cleanup — unwitting U.S. taxpayers who have been kept in the dark about NUMEC for half a century.

Friday, August 24, 2012

Israel’s Nuclear Triggers

Secret Files Reveal Brazen Espionage and Dangerous Immunity

Grant Smith reports,


FBI files detailing Israel’s stealth acquisition of U.S. nuclear triggers were declassified and released on Dec. 28, 2011. The FBI’s secret Portland and Los Angeles inter-office communications were originally scheduled for release in the year 2036. Their availability today reveals how Israel’s elite spy networks acquire U.S. nuclear technologies while evading criminal and diplomatic consequences.
A krytron is a gas-filled tube used as a high-speed switch. U.S. State Department munitions licenses are needed to export krytrons because they can be used as triggers for nuclear weapons. California-based MILCO International Inc. shipped 15 orders totaling 800 krytrons through an intermediary to the Israeli Ministry of Defense between 1979 and 1983. MILCO obtained the krytrons from EG&G Inc. After the U.S. government rejected several requests for krytron export licenses to Israel, Arnon Milchan’s Heli Trading Company brokered the transactions with MILCO. Milchan is an Israeli movie producer who became successful in Hollywood for such movies asBrazil, JFK, and Pretty Woman.
The FBI file reveals that after the illicit krytron exports were discovered, a U.S. attorney tried to flip MILCO President Richard Kelly Smyth to implicate Milchan during intense plea bargaining. The gambit failed, and in May 1984 Smyth was indicted on 30 counts of smuggling and making false statements. Smyth and his wife promptly fled to Israel and remained at large until captured in Malaga, Spain, in July 2001 after Richard Smyth applied for Social Security benefits. INTERPOL arrested Smyth and extradited him to the United States, where he pleaded guilty to violating the U.S. Arms Export Control Act. In November 2001, Smyth was sentenced to 40 years in prison and fined $20,000, though he was freed within four years because of his advancing age.
In 1985, a federal grand jury was convened in Los Angeles to investigate potentially related Atomic Energy Act and Arms Export Control Act violations, but no charges were ever filed against Milchan or those who secretly helped Smyth flee and who covered his living expenses abroad. A 2011 biography called Confidential: The Life of Secret Agent Turned Hollywood Tycoon Arnon Milchan claims that Milchan was recruited into Israel’s LAKAM economic espionage unit in his 20s and became a key operative for Benjamin Blumberg (head of LAKAM) and Rafi Eitan (who ran Jonathan Pollard and infiltrated NUMEC). Milchan is also the close confidant of Shimon Peres and Benjamin Netanyahu. According to the book, Blumberg himself taught Milchan how to establish front companies and secret bank accounts to launder millions in commissions obtained during LAKAM and Mossad arms transactions. In turn, it was Milchan who encouraged Smyth in 1972 to incorporate MILCO and share profits on export sales to his Tel Aviv–based Milchan Brothers company. Milchan Brothers received purchase orders from Blumberg and sent them on via secure telex to Smyth. MILCO did 80% of its business with Milchan, including shipments of other dual-use technologies useful to Israel’s clandestine nuclear weapons program such as gyroscopes, neutron generators, high-speed oscilloscopes, and computerized flight control systems. According to the book, after Smyth was ordered to appear before a federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, LAKAM issued a burn notice. Milchan claimed, “I felt bad, but I was ordered to cut all contact with Smyth.” Milchan still officially denies any involvement in MILCO/Heli’s krytron smuggling
The FBI records reveal ongoing interest in Milchan into the mid-1990s. In 1992, a confidential informant relayed details of Milchan’s ties to Smyth. The declassified but heavily redacted “secret” communications reveal the Bureau’s fascination with Milchan, from his 1996 entry in Who’s Who to A-list associates such as Robert De Niro and an unsavory Iran-Contra operative.
Like the NUMEC case, the krytron caper benefited from flawed elite news coverage that today seems superficial if not suspicious. Among the final pages of the FBI’s file is a clipping of Thomas Friedman’s May 1985 New York Times interview with Milchan, who had suddenly decamped for Jerusalem after the Smyth indictments. Milchan said he had only recently learned “that a krytron was a small little gizmo which anyone can go buy freely in the United States. You can use them or all kinds of things, including, incidentally, making cholent.” Friedman clarified for readers that “Cholent is a stew of beans, carrots, potatoes and beef that is a traditional Jewish dish prepared on Friday night for eating on the Sabbath. Mr. Milchan said that with a krytron timer a stove could be set to turn on automatically to heat up cholent on the Sabbath without anyone working to light the fire.”
The FBI’s news clipping file contains far less credulous accounts of frantic State Department attempts to secure the return of the krytrons or at least verify that they were not being deployed into Israel’s secret nuclear arsenal. Unlike most U.S. government agencies, the FBI didn’t muzzle itself under “strategic ambiguity” protocols but instead spoke candidly of Israel’s nukes. “At the time of [Smyth's] disappearance, the U.S. did not have any reliable information that the Israelis were enriching uranium via uranium hexafluoride. That information did not surface for another year until an individual named [Mordecai Vanunu] detailed drawings and photographs of Dimona, Israel’s nuclear research center, to the London Times.”
The declassified details of Smyth’s and Milchan’s flight, elite influence networks, and near complete lack of accountability over the krytron case fits neatly into a larger emerging set of attributes common to many major Israeli espionage efforts in the United States. As happened during NUMEC’s diversion of weapons-grade nuclear material to Israel, apparently more time was spent exploring Milchan’s elite connections than figuring out how to indict LAKAM’s nuclear technology operative. As in the case of the Lawrence Franklin AIPAC espionage affair, the mysterious figures who offered to spirit the main operative out of the United States to overseas safe houses were never apprehended or even publicly identified.
In America today, open financial support for Israel’s clandestine nuclear program is becoming more brazen even as many of its supporters and lobbyists demand U.S. military attacks on Iran’s nuclear program. The American Committee for the Weizmann Institute raises millions in tax-deductible funding for its Israeli parent organization, which was found in a 1987 Pentagon-sponsored study to have developed a cutting-edge high-energy physics and hydrodynamics program “needed for nuclear bomb design.” The Weizmann Institute advanced methods for enriching uranium to weapons-grade through the use of lasers even as the United States worried that Weizmann’s networked supercomputers were being used to reduce the size of warheads. Despite public calls for an IRS review of its tax-exempt status, the American Committee plows on announcing new corporate grants, ever confident that its elite overlapping board, which has included such luminaries as AIPAC/WINEP chairman emeritus Robert Asher, will back Weizmann, ensuring that nuclear funding continues to flow.
Perhaps trying not to be outdone, President Barack Obama announced at AIPAC’s Washington conference that he will soon take center stage in the Israeli nuclearThéâtre de l’Absurde. According to author Avner Cohen, Israeli President Shimon Peres was a key architect of Israel’s nuclear weapons program from its very beginning. In 2010, scholar Sasha Polakow-Suransky released secret documents revealing how Peres even offered to sell nuclear-tipped Jericho missiles to the foundering apartheid regime in South Africa. That is why this summer, when Obama personally awards Peres a Presidential Medal of Freedom, he’ll be conferring America’s highest civilian award to the Middle East’s most notorious nuclear proliferator.